Date: 12/05/2014

This is the most dangerous situation in whole of northeast and with patriotic determination Hindusthan must trace, collect and throw these Bangldeshis back in Bangladesh. First the Congress let them enter in the country, then the Communists encouraged them to enter and now Mamata is in full support of these illegal immigrants, Why?

This is anti Hindusthan policy of CONGRESS, COMMUNISTS and T.M.C for vote bank politics to win the elections but it is the most dangerous for Hindusthan so that Hindus go in minority and Hindusthan becomes Pakistan.

How to identify these Bangladeshis?

This is very easy and you can identify very easily and I have done it by checking their mobile telephones. You will find that their accent is different and they are not able to tell you easily where in Hindusthan they were born and they give you wrong names and no fixed addresses.

They are mostly males and can be found from Kolkotta to Mumbai to Calicut to PATNA to Banglore to Bhubaneshwar to Jaipur but more so in West Bengal,Assam and all over N.E. of the country.

Secure borders, stop Bus and train, boat services to and from Bangladesh.
Stop trade if you have to with Bangladesh because survival and existence of
Hindusthan is crucial.

Take the census of Bangladesh the population is the same for the last several decades because forty millions of Bangladeshis have entered in to Hindusthan.
This is a most difficult challenge but this can be done with strong determination and sound planning and with responsibility who are given this task.
This do or die situation for Hindusthan.

Hindusthan should not have liberated East Pakistan from West Pakistan in 1971 and as a result we have this problem because our borders were more or less secure until then.


The rise in Muslim numbers is most noticeable in Assam, where they were found to make up 34.2 per cent of the population in 2011, up by more than 3 per cent since 2001. In West Bengal, this religious group’s share rose by almost 2 per cent to 27 per cent. In Kerala, by 2 per cent to 26.6 per cent. Uttarakhand has seen a similar rise to 13.9 per cent. In UP and Bihar, the increase is about 1 per cent, with the Muslim headcount at 19.3 and 16.9 per cent respectively. Jharkhand, Delhi and Maharashtra report similar increases, with the 2011 figures rising to 14.5, 12.9 and 11.5 per cent respectively, while Karnataka has seen a rise of just below 1 per cent to 12.9 per cent.

In the scramble for seats in the Hindi heartland of UP and Bihar, several parties will be vying frantically for the Muslim vote, which is bulky enough now to determine outcomes in many places. In 13 constituencies where Muslims account for over 30 per cent of the electorate, this high concentration has resulted in high minority turnouts and set off a trend of polarised politics. In 14 seats, they account for 20-30 per cent of the electorate, while in another 27, they can influence results in a big way. In 17 others where they comprise 15-20 per cent of all voters, they can act as tone-setters for poll outcomes.

In Bihar, with the ‘secular’ camp divided between the RJD-Congress and the JD- U, the BJP must be hoping for a splintering of Muslim votes. Nitish Kumar, who snapped his ties with the BJP over Modi, perhaps expects a ‘thank you’ note from minorities in the form of votes. In recent years, Bihar’s CM has been aggressively wooing ‘lower caste’ Pasmanda Muslims, a vast group of people seen to nurse a grudge over being overlooked by other ‘secular’ parties. Notes Oxford University Professor Faisal Devji: “For me, the most interesting political movement among Bihari Muslims is the Pasmanda Muslim Mahaz, which, while it may not be in a position to decide voting patterns, represents the most creative and radical politics among Muslims… for theirs is an internal critique, not the usual call for a bandwagon that all Muslims must join for security, etcetera. Pasmandas want to destroy the myth of a ‘Muslim community’, which they claim has always been dominated by exploitative upper- castes and not done any good to ordinary Muslims. It represents a new move towards a more confident politics not based on victimhood and paranoia, and for which the ‘community’ itself poses a problem.”

In UP, the ruling SP’s archrival BSP is perceived as better placed to gain this year’s minority vote by putting together a Dalit-Muslim electoral combo to challenge the BJP. In Western UP, though, the BSP may alienate Jatav Dalits whose relations with Muslims have soured over the Muzzafarnagar riots. That the Muslim vote cannot be taken for granted by any party—something that the Congress appears slow to comprehend— was proved tellingly in 2007, when the community backed the BSP. But in the 2009 Lok Sabha polls, Muslims divided their allegiance tactically among the Congress, SP and BSP in different constituencies, picking a party that could defeat the BJP, which came in fourth overall. This time, Modi’s party is determined to put an end to such tactical anti-BJP voting, which explains some of its recent friendly overtures to minorities.

The BJP’s efforts have already helped it gain allies. Most tellingly, in Bihar, the LJP’s Ram Vilas Paswan, once a strident critic of the BJP’s ‘communal card’, has rejoined the NDA and even lent some credence to Modi’s version of secularism: ‘nation first’. That is an impression the BJP now hopes to reinforce.